“Aliba” Narbekov: how criminal influences govern transit in Kazakhstan

Recently, Alibek Narbekov, alias Aliba, has been mentioned more often in backroom conversations and criminal reports. Once tied to smuggling and overt criminal activity, he now wields political influence over the appointment of top officials.

Seen as a “high-status” operator, Narbekov leveraged his criminal past to gain power in the most profitable corners of the shadow economy. At the official level, he is invisible—there are no public sentences or media coverage—but this very invisibility contributes to his almost legendary status.

There are talks about sentences from the early 2010s, when he went through camps for fraud and extortion. There, according to interlocutors, he «managed to position himself correctly» and came out already as a person with respect. There is a video online where a person calling himself Alibek Narbekov claims that he was the «watcher» over several camps and «respects real thieves». In criminal culture, such biographies are valued: it is the conviction that gives the right to claim status, which can then be converted into control over territories.

Reference: Alibek Narbekov, known in the criminal environment under the nickname Aliba, was born in the late 1980s. According to the Telegram channel BASE and anonymous sources, he has several convictions behind him and enjoys the reputation of a criminal authority with high status. His zone of influence is said to be the western regions of Kazakhstan, key transit routes, and gray trade schemes. Narbekov is linked to Gadji Gadjiyev, who is called the «father of smuggling». Despite rumors and materials in the media, his name almost never appears in official reports and media, which only enhances the aura of shadow around Aliba’s figure.

Control over transit and money on sanctions

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Today, this status is expressed in control over transit. Kazakhstan has become one of the key nodes for bypassing sanctions: goods from China, Turkey, Iran, and the UAE go through the country to Russia. Among them are household appliances, electronics, auto parts, drone components, sometimes dual-use equipment. In official statistics, this is reflected in the anomalous growth of exports of «chips and microcircuits», which Kazakhstan has never produced. In reality, a significant part of this flow goes through gray schemes, and it is here, according to BASE, that Aliba is located.

In his area of responsibility are the western regions of Kazakhstan, through which key road and rail routes pass. Trucks go through Atyrau and Mangystau region, containers through ports on the Caspian. Customs officially records only part of the shipments, and the rest goes through «gray corridors». According to sources, «every large vehicle must be coordinated», otherwise it simply won’t be allowed further.

One such episode discussed in the corridors last year is related to the detention of three trucks at the border with Atyrau region. Officially, they found «discrepancies in documents», but in fact, it was about a batch of electronics that was listed in papers as household «spare parts». The drivers refused to talk, but sources claim that the conflict arose because the cargo was bypassing Aliba. In the end, the trucks stood for almost two weeks, after which the «document problems» suddenly disappeared, and the cargo calmly crossed the border.

Another episode is related to a criminal showdown in Aktau. There, in early 2023, a shootout occurred between two groups in the parking lot of a shopping center. Officially, the case was written off as a «domestic conflict», but in criminal chats, they assured: it was about a dispute over a route related to container shipments through the port of Kuryk. According to sources, it was Aliba who then «resolved» the situation, acting as an arbiter.

The chain upward and Gadji Gadjiyev

For such schemes to work, not only criminal «roof» is needed, but also administrative cover. Conversations mention akimats, where through «agreements» silence around transit is ensured. Law enforcement structures are also named: from local precincts to regional police. In some cases, it even involves cover from special services interested in Kazakhstan remaining a useful partner for Russia. This cannot be verified, but logic suggests: without such a level of agreements, the scheme could not exist for years.

A separate plot is Aliba’s connection with Gadji Gadjiyev, who is called the «father of smuggling» in Kazakhstan. According to BASE, it was Gadjiyev who became his main patron and made Narbekov his man on the ground. Aliba is responsible for transport flows, while Gadjiyev provides strategic coordination and international connections. Such a link looks plausible: in the criminal environment, the division of functions between «watchers» and «organizers» is often practiced.

Curiously, Aliba’s name does not surface in high-profile scandals and showdowns. Unlike other figures in the criminal world who periodically end up in chronicles of shootouts or high-profile arrests, Narbekov remains in the shadows. This can be explained by two reasons: either he really knows how to conduct business so as not to get into camera lenses, or he has serious protection at the level of power. In any case, the fact remains: there is no public information about his affairs, and this further enhances the aura of mystery.

Rumors about his camp biography are contradictory. Some claim that he «served twice», others talk about three sentences. In the corridors, articles related to economic crimes, as well as extortion, are mentioned. But at the same time, there are no official documents anywhere that could be presented as evidence. For the criminal environment, the rumor itself already works as confirmation: Aliba is considered a person who has gone through the system of criminal punishments and has the right to speak.

In criminal culture, status is rarely fixed by official papers. Here, what is important is not what is written in the sentence, but what is said about the person in cells and on transfers. The conviction itself is just an entry point. But if a person managed to «get on the right path» behind bars, gain respect, show that he is ready to keep his word and «resolve issues», then the rumor about him starts working stronger than any document.

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This is how legends are formed. No one has seen Aliba’s sentences, no one has held archival files in their hands, but stories about his «stints» are repeated so often that they become part of collective knowledge. For criminal culture, legal confirmation is not important, but how other authorities speak about the person.

According to sources, this is exactly what happened with Narbekov. The camp biography turned into the foundation on which all his current power is built. Even if officially there are no sentences or they have long been expunged, the very fact of discussion makes him a figure «with history». And the more such stories are repeated, the stronger his authority becomes.

In the end, a paradoxical situation is created. For the general public, Aliba seems not to exist: no criminal cases, no official charges, no photos in the news. But for the criminal world, he is quite real and has weight. And this weight relies not on documents, but on a legend that cannot be challenged in court.

Instead of an afterword

The story of Alibek Narbekov, nicknamed Aliba, shows: in Kazakhstan, two parallel worlds still exist. The first is the world of official statistics, innovative clusters, and secular interviews. The second is the shadow one, where decisions are made not by laws and decrees, but by nicknames, rumors, and camp stories.

Aliba has become a symbol of the second world. He controls flows that official bodies prefer to turn a blind eye to, enjoys the support of senior «godfathers», and remains unreachable for journalists and investigations. His name cannot be found in criminal chronicles, but it is known to everyone who is even slightly familiar with transit schemes in the west of the country.

And the main question that remains unanswered: why are the authorities silent? Why is a person with such a reputation written about only by anonymous Telegram channels and independent investigators? Why, against the backdrop of loud statements about «fighting corruption and crime», figures like Aliba continue to manage entire sectors of the economy?

There is no answer to this question. But the very fact of posing it is already a signal: without publicity and public pressure, legends like Aliba will continue to grow, turning Kazakhstan into a space where shadow is stronger than law.